Excerpts of Documents Pertaining to The Ambassadors

from

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. 6, 1533

James Gairdner, ed., 1882

Undated: 90. [Cal. E. I. II.?] 112. B. M. : Francis I. to Henry VIII.

Being on this frontier and so near Henry, despatches to him the bailly of Troyes, his maitre d'hotel, with his compliments, and to tell him certain things which the perfect friendship between them requires to be declared.

Hol. Fr. Mutilated. p. 1. Add.

27 January: 91. Camusat. Meslanges Historiques. Lettres de Fras. I., 4.: Francis I: Instructions to the bailly of Troyes

Instructions to the bailly of Troyes, his ambassador to Hen. VIII. He is to say that on the 20th Francis received letters from the cardinals of Tournon and Grammont, dated Bologna the 14th, concerning their good reception. Many points already almost conceded by the Pope have been set back, and rendered more difficult than before ; his Holiness taking heart, and speaking with less fear of the Emperor. They have obtained the concession of the meeting between the Pope and Francis, but the Pope desires it to be kept secret, as the Emperor knowing of it would delay his return to Spain. The Pope hopes that at the meeting he will be able to advise some good mean in Henry's affair. He spoke of the league which is now being negociated in Italy, and thought that Francis ought to consent to it, and that, if the comprehension of the Genoese did not injure him, none of the other articles would do so. He desired Francis to pass over at present what the Genoese had done, without making war on them, and to make his Holiness arbitrator. He desired prompt answer, considering the importunity of the Emperor through his people and servants for the conclusion of the said league ; and the Cardinals urged Francis to answer at once, without previously advertising Henry, the English ambassadors being of the same opinion. Francis accordingly answered that he thought the meeting should take place at the end of May next, and should be kept secret ; that the Cardinals should spread a rumour that, as soon as the Emperor shall have embarked for Spain, they are charged to return to Francis ; that they should follow the Pope wherever he goes ; that as Francis has not been invited [to join] the proposed league, nor to [interfere] in the other affairs of Italy, he leaves it to the Pope to conclude it or not, but thinks he will do nothing which will prevent him keeping what he has promised the two Kings concerning the marriage of his niece with the duke of Orleans, and other matters ; for if Francis consented to the league, although at liberty, it would be conceding what he never freely agreed to during the captivity of himself and his children. That more than two years ago the Emperor endeavoured to persuade him to adjust his quarrels with the Genoese, but he never would do so ; yet, out of respect for his Holiness, he will pass them over till the end of May.

The Bailly is to state that the Emperor does his utmost to persuade the Princes to enter the league, with the comprehension of the Genoese, and has contrived to send the duke of Urbin to persuade Venice to agree, but the Signory will observe the treaties made at Bologna, and excuses herself on account of the Turk, who, if she entered the league with the Genoese, would attack her, because Andrew Doria is of that nation. The Emperor has pressed the Pope to conclude the marriage of the duchess of Urbin, his niece, with the duke of Bar, but the Pope answered that the matter was already arranged with Francis for the duke of Orleans. The Emperor is greatly desirous of returning to Spain, which it is said he will do as soon as Andrew Doria arrives with his galleys at Genoa. The Imperialists are practising to make a captain general in Italy, and most of them demand Anthony de Leve ; especially the duke of Milan, who says that the marquis of Gouasto is "trop large et habandonné à despendre." Ennet (Anet?), 27 Jan. 1532. Signed by Francis ; countersigned by Breton.

Fr.

3 February: 111. Camusat, 122 b.: Montpesat to Montmorency.

Received today his letter, dated Annet, 27 Jan., concerning the despatch of the bailly of Troyes with news from Italy, from the cardinals of Tournon and Grammont, for which the King is very anxious, as he heard from Wallop that their reply had arrived ten days ago. Wishes the Bailly were already here, not in consequence of his desire to leave England, but to satisfy the King, who talks of it every day, and has kept a courier for Italy waiting for six days. Showed him today Montmorency's letters about the Bailly's coming, and, in compliance with his request, has sent a man to hasten him. Norfolk complains that Montmorency has not kept his promise of sending news, though Norfolk has always told Monpesat of anything worth reporting.

He also desired him to say that he wished Francis could find some means of reconciling the kings of England and Scotland, but he desires this to be kept secret. He wished the King had charged the Bailly to tell the king of England that he would not be sorry if he practised for a peace with Scotland. Told him, in answer to this, that the Bailly was already on his way. Things will be difficult to settle, as raids are daily made on the Borders, and the English have again invaded Scotland. The French who go there are not welcome, and the Flemings boast that the country is devoted to the Emperor, and has quitted the alliance with France.

As the Imperial Ambassador lately showed him a letter from Italy about his master's honor and triumph, which he also showed to Norfolk, he made another to the honor of the French king, showed it to the king of England and Norfolk, and will send it tomorrow to the Ambassador in revenge.

Wishes all that is contained in it was in the King's coffers. The King comes to this town tomorrow to open Parliament. The duke of Suffolk and all the nobility will be there. London, 3 Feb.

Fr.

5 February: 160. Vienna Archives.: Chapuys to Charles V.

The day my man left to go to your Majesty, the King, with a show of great confidence and friendship, sent to summon the Nuncio, desiring him, as he had been present at the assembly of the prelates and grand masters of the realm (the House of Peers), to do the same at the place of the knights and deputies of the Commons, where there would also be the ambassadors of France, viz., Montpesat, who left two days ago, laden with presents from the King, and Tinteville, his successor, who had just arrived. The Nuncio had no mind to comply, fearing some artifice to treat in his presence something prejudicial to the authority of the Holy See, as they have done before ; but that letters came from his Holiness, commanding him to try if any means could be used for bringing the King to study the general good of Christendom ; and as this gave him occasion to go to Court, he could not well excuse himself from visiting the said assembly, especially as the duke of Norfolk assured him that nothing should be said in his presence which in anyway affected the Pope. He accordingly went on this condition. They were discussing a measure against thieves, that they should not enjoy the immunity of the Church, except in a certain place. He stayed a very short time in the said assembly, in which the said ambassadors soon afterwards arrived, who, with the Nuncio, Norfolk, and others of the Council, were banqueted sumptuously at the lodging of treasurer Fitzwilliam. After dinner the Nuncio, hoping to have audience of the King, was put off till next day, in order that the new French ambassador might be heard, and also that the Nuncio might be seen more frequently in Court, for the same purpose that he was called to the said assembly,—which was, as the Duke frankly confessed to him, that all the world might see the great friendship and good understanding they had with his Holiness. By this presumption, as I lately wrote to your Majesty, they expect to make their profit as regards the people and the prelates, who have hitherto supported the authority of the Holy See, both in the Queen's matter and in everything else ; who now, for the above reason, fearing to go against the Pope, dare not utter a syllable, as I am told by the bishop of Rochester, unless the Nuncio encourage them again, as he has promised to do, and which it is very necessary to do to take away the said presumption.

26 February: 184. Camusat, 123 b: Wm. Du Bellay [Lord Of Langey], Beauvoys, and Dinteville to Francis I.

Yesterday the king of England sent for Dinteville to show him certain news from Italy ; and Langey, who had news to communicate to him from France, and Beauvais, who had just returned from Scotland, accompanied him. He was pleased with Langey's charge, and agreed with Francis, even about the interview, to which he will send some one whom he trusts, either the duke of Norfolk or the earl of Wiltshire. He desired them to write and say that he wished Francis would desire the cardinals Tournon and Grammont to cause the Pope to do nothing in his affair meanwhile. Langey told him that it would be to their common advantage if he would compose his differences with the Scotch king. He replied, as he had done previously to Montpesat and Dinteville, that any means the King could find would be good for him. Beauvais then told him what he had done in Scotland. He was greatly pleased therewith, especially when he heard that Francis hoped to arrange an interview between him and his nephew. Will not write more, as Langey and Beauvais leave in three or four days, and there is danger of letters being intercepted at sea. London, 26 Feb.

8 March: Vienna Archives.: 212. Chapuys to Charles V.

I wrote on the 23rd ult. On the 24th I received your Majesty's letters of the 28th Jan. The same day Langez arrived from France, and a French gentleman named Beauvoix from Scotland, who have been, as usual, well received, and dined at the King's table with the other Ambassador the day after their arrival, which was Shrove Tuesday, when the Lady took the place usually occupied by the Queen ; and there were present the duke of Norfolk and other great masters, except Suffolk, although he had been expressly called to come with the order of France. The said Langez and Beauvoix were here but four days, and were every day in Court and in communication with the King and Council, "mays non poinct fort griemant ;" and it seems that their hasty despatch was either because Langez could not arrange anything important, or to hasten the settlement of their dispute with Scotland. I think one of the chief objects of Langez's coming has been to take resolution with those here about the Council, which both parties desire to prevent. I am led to think this, because, in talking with Langez, he suddenly said to me that your Majesty had obtained your desire, viz., the said Council, and that the Pope had no mind to refuse you anything since he had been punished by your Majesty by imprisonment and otherwise. And on my declaring to him the displeasure you had felt at his Holiness's imprisonment, and his sudden deliverance as soon as you were informed of it, he intimated that a ransom had been paid for the said deliverance, although it was more honorable and gracious than his Holiness deserved. This I could not allow to pass after declaring the respect you had always felt for his Holiness, and showed that the Pope had done more for his master than for your Majesty, pointing out also the necessity of the said Council, which the Pope must have promoted without being asked. On this Langez retracted what he had said. He told me his master had written to the Pope that a Council was reasonable and necessary, but that two conditions ought to be observed : first, that it must be in a suitable place where all could attend, and if it were held in Italy he should have the right of bringing as many forces as you had brought ; and (2) that it should treat of nothing but what concerned the Faith, and enter into no particular quarrels. He did not enter fully into the said conditions, for Brian had just come for him and the other Ambassadors to conduct them to Court, taking no particular pleasure in my conversation with him. Suggests reasons for these conditions ; among others, the fear they have lest it should be proposed to restore to the Empire the temporalities now held by the Pope, doubting that your Majesty would grow too great thereby.

Langez proceeded to justify the course he had taken at Paris about the divorce, saying he had not done any bad turn there, as people thought, and that he no more desired the divorce than I did. And he said that last year, when he was in Germany, he had found certain of your ministers very little inclined to the preservation of peace with his master ; for that they said that his master had promoted the coming of the Turks. Further, in the course of conversation he said that you had used certain words at an assembly at Ratisbon not honorable to the King his master, stating that when he had been asked for succour against the Turk he had replied that he would not hazard his people.

In consequence of their hurry to go to Court, I had no leisure to treat with the gentleman who returned from Scotland. Conversation with Langez on the peace there, who professed ignorance of what this gentleman has done. Asked Norfolk, but could get no information. He told me that Langez had talked to the King and his Council, as he had done to me, but did not say much, as Suffolk and Wiltshire were standing by while he had to go to the King, who had sent for him already three times. I hope I shall find out some of the particulars of Langez's charge. As to the other, I have learned that since the Scotch king received the Order (of the Golden Fleece) from your Majesty, the Scots are no longer inclined to France, and have proceeded so far as to beat down the arms of France, and put up the Imperial arms in their room. On being informed of this, the French king had sent him to James, explaining that he had not put off giving his daughter in marriage to him. To which the Scotch king made a gracious and prudent answer, expressive of his affection for France ; and as to the reception of the Order, he had merely acted in conformity [with your liberality], of which he could not repent ; and he spoke much in praise of you.

I wrote touching the war with the Scots that they were full of enthusiasm, and if the English desire it they will have it, or peace, but on the conditions that the king of Scots asked at the commencement of the war, which the English consider rather discreditable. This gentleman has been waiting to return to Scotland, but the King would not let him. Consequently he returned to France, and from there was sent by sea ; so that one must suppose that there are some slight differences.

Two days ago the Admiral here told me that the French "ne leur alloient trop, (fn. 1) " and that underhand they would favor the Scots.

16 March: 242. Camusat, 82 b.: Montmorency to the Bailly Of Troyes.

The King sends a memoir which has come from the cardinals of Tournon and Grammont, to be shown to the king of England and the duke of Norfolk. He will reply fully to what Langey and Rochefort have brought. As to the prize which the Scotch have taken to Dieppe since the Bailly wrote, such good order has been taken on the coasts of Normandy, Picardy, and Brittany that the king of England has good reason to be contented. Desires him to tell Norfolk of this. The King sends Beauvais to Scotland in a few days. He will pass through England, to try and bring this war to an amicable end. The Emperor does what he can to stir them up. The King will spend Easter at Paris, which is inconvenient, considering the journey he intends to take. Expects that the first news from Italy will be the Emperor's embarcation. Sends a letter in the King's hand to Madame la Marquise (Anne Boleyn). Desires to be recommended to her. Has news that the Bailly's brother is better. The King has sent to Denmark to preserve friendship with the King there, who is the present possessor. Thinks he will remain friendly, though the Emperor has tried to draw him away. Coussy, 16 March.

Fr.

20 March: 254. Camusat, 79: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Has already written about the arrival of viscount Rochefort, who has begged him, in the name of the king of England, to write a letter to cardinals Tournon and Grammont, according to a memorandum, of which a copy is enclosed. Did not think this reasonable, as his interview with the Pope was determined upon by Henry's advice. When they last met, he was of opinion that Francis should send the Cardinals to induce the Pope to consent to the interview, so as to disunite the Emperor and his Holiness, and help on Henry's affair. The Cardinals have worked so well that they have nearly brought it to a conclusion, as the King will have heard from Dr. Benoist (Benet), his ambassador at Rome, and from the Sieur de Lange. Has told Rochefort that he can do nothing that may break off the affair or cause a new dispute, especially as his honor is concerned. Has therefore written another letter, which he considers preferable for the affair, until a better blow can be struck at the interview. Sends a copy, and has given one to Rochefort, who replied that he had no charge to alter anything contained in the memorandum, but accepted it on hearing the reasons, and has sent it for Henry to see and say whether it shall be despatched. Has told Rochford that it would be very ill-advised to send the proposed letter, as the Emperor is in Italy, and his Holiness could not find a better excuse than the letter for putting off the interview, the principal purpose of which is to serve Henry. He knows how often Francis has been solicited by the Emperor to meet him, and that the Pope has lately endeavored to bring about an interview between all three. Would not listen to these proposals, being determined to prefer Henry's interest to anything else. If the Pope will act as Henry wishes, will take it as if it was done to himself ; and if he refuses, will never be friendly with him.

Desires him to communicate all this to the duke of Norfolk. If the King wishes the letter to be sent to the Cardinals, will send it at once. Has sent a gentleman to Denmark to king Frederic, to hinder the designs which Henry knows of. Desires Henry to do the same. Hears that certain galleys are arrived at Genoa, so that 25 are now there, beside other ships, which are being equipped for the Emperor's passage to Spain. Fere sur Oyse, 20 March 1532.

Fr.

22 March: 259. Camusat, 81: J. Du Bellay, Bishop of Paris, to the Bailly Of Troyes.

The French king is much concerned at this war with Scotland, and is very anxious to bring about an agreement. Fears that if the Scotch king has such large forces collected, he will wish to employ them at once, not being able to bear the expense for long. It would be a good plan for the king of England to send a large force against him, but not risk a battle. Desires him to suggest this to Norfolk and the King. This will give time for interposition. Beauvais will be sent tomorrow. The matter is of very great importance. He will receive instructions how to speak in the comparison of the two Kings. All the French king's communications with Scotland for the last two years have been in favor of Henry, as James is a wilful young man, whose enmity can only cause trouble to England, and no profit, for there is nothing to gain. Norfolk and the bishop of Winchester know what Du Bellay said to them about it at Calais, and that the King foretold what has happened. Wishes him to speak plainly, without offending them. Beauvais will take to Scotland what ought to content them, considering the marriage they are demanding, though it is not what they asked, for the King of England would never agree to it. As to the new imposition of which he writes, he must tell Norfolk and others that the merchants complain daily. The like is not done here, and indirectly it is contrary to the treaties. He can say that the King and Council take it very ill, and if it were not for disinclination to press the King in his present circumstances, they would say more about it. Will not forget what the Bailly says about René de Pelletier. Desires him to write to the King daily. The Pope and Emperor have left Bologna. The latter is going by Lorette. The card. of Grammont has stayed behind on account of his illness. Ribemont, 22 March.

28 March, 282. Camusat, 83b: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Has received his letter of the 24th. Is glad that the king of England approves of his letter to the cardinals Tournon and Grammont. Expects him to send it back in a day or two, and will then despatch it. Hears from Bologna that the Pope would leave for Lorette on the 20th, and intended to be at Rome on the eve of Palm Sunday. Tournon will accompany him, and Grammont will follow, being still weak from his illness. The Emperor is going to Genoa to embark for Spain. Desires him to tell the King that Francis wishes he could come to his approaching interview with the Pope. The three could, no doubt, conclude matters to the good of all Christendom. Wishes him to send the duke of Norfolk in his place, with other good and wise persons. It were better to send the Duke than the earl of Wiltshire. As he is the Marchioness's father, it might be said that the affair touched him nearer than any other, and he would be suspected of prosecuting it with more passion, which might be a cause rather of retarding it. Sends the sieur De Beauvais, the bearer, to Scotland, with orders to communicate his despatch to the king of England. St. Marcou, 28 March 1532.

Fr.

31 March.

Vienna Archives.

31 March, 296. Vienna Archives: Chapuys to Charles V.

…. During the last few days there has been here a Scotch gentleman, who, under pretence of being the French king's servant, has had a safe-conduct to come here. He has been several times at court, both in company with the French ambassador and alone, I know not for what object. I sent to him a confidential person to learn news, with instructions, if he found him inclined to your Majesty, to make him my recommendations ; of which the said gentleman showed himself very glad ; and though he suspected the said person was sent by others (que le dit personnage ne fut envoye dailleurs), he did not refrain from saying that although he had given the English to understand he was going to France to stay, he was only going on the affairs of his prince, and the first thing the duke of Norfolk had said to him was, how many men-of-war had passed from Flanders into Scotland? The said person also inquired of him about the charge of Beauboers (Beauvais), lately sent by the king of France into Scotland ; but their conversation was interrupted by others. The Scotchman said he would see me next day, and tell me more ; but as I knew he could not come to me without its being discovered, I countermanded it, which he takes in good part. I am told he carries the duplicate of the alliances between France and Scotland, in order to demand assistance of the French king.

4 April, 382. Camusat, 124 b: Montmorency to the Bailly of Troyes.

The King writes about a personage whom the Pope has sent with certain articles, of which a copy is sent to the king of England. In reply to the duke of Norfolk's question, advises him to take with him to the interview 12 or 15 gentlemen with such a train and number of horse as he thinks fit. No determination has yet been come to concerning time, day, nor place. The Scotch ambassador has spoken to the King, and has been heard by the Council. Thinks it will be easy to reconcile the Kings of England and Scotland. The best way would be to have an abstinence of war for a year, and meanwhile arrange a good peace. The Emperor stopped at the isle of St. Honorat near Nice, where Madame de Savoye was obliged to land, as she could not endure the sea, being enceinte. The King has granted her a safe-conduct to travel through France. Fontainebleau, 24 April.

Fr.

30 April: 408. Camusat, 125: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Since last writing the Scotch ambassador has told him that the Scotch king was not the author of the present war with England. In reply said that he desired to see their differences amicably settled, especially as the Scotch king was not so strong as his uncle ; and he had therefore again sent the sieur de Beauvais to Scotland, to propose a truce for a year, during which some honorable end might be found. The Ambassador said that he had no charge of this kind, and only came to assure Francis that the war was not begun by his master ; but he would report what Francis had said to his master, whom he thought to be desirous of peace. Told him also of Beauvais' charge to offer to the king of Scotland in marriage one of the French king's near relations. Desires the Bailly to tell all this to the king of England, and to request him to grant the truce. The Scotch ambassador will remain here, expecting news, which shall be transmitted to England. Aubigny, 30 April 1533.

5 May: 444. Camusat, 126: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Wrote lately by Guy de Fleury, who is on his way to Scotland, that letters in cipher had come from Italy, and that if they contained anything concerning the king of England they should be forwarded. There was nothing of the kind in them, but since then he has received a packet from the cardinal de Tournon, in reply to instructions lately sent to him and to cardinal Grammont. Sends the letter, and a copy of his answer, to be shown to the king of England. Will make any alteration he wishes in the answer. Does not think the King should be irritated with the Pope, or despair, by reason of his answer to the Cardinals, but rather show that he desires the affair to be decided at the interview between his Holiness and the French king, remitting it entirely to the latter. Intends to act at the interview so that Norfolk and the others who are there on the King's part may see how much he has his affairs at heart. Wrote recently about the person whom the Pope has sent to him and the king of England concerning a General Council, and forwarded a copy of the articles brought by him. Suggests that Henry should say to the said person that the Council is a matter of too much importance to admit of an immediate answer, and he can therefore return to France, when Francis can say to him that this and other matters can be discussed more amply at his approaching interview with the Pope. If Henry approves of this, the English and French ambassadors at Rome can be told to speak thus to the Pope. Couldray, 5 May 1533.

Fr.

23 May: 524. Camusat, 128: The Bailly of Troyes to Francis I.

The king of England desires him to suggest to Francis that he ought to inform the Germans about the interview with the Pope, lest they should suspect something would be arranged to their prejudice.

He has heard from his ambassador in France that Francis thinks that the late statute forbidding appeals to Rome in matrimonial cases may hinder the interview, and render it more difficult. He says he was forced to it by the unjust censures issued against him by the Pope, who has acted not like a judge or a party, but an enemy, as Norfolk will explain more fully. Sends a copy of grievances, which the King gave him. The archbishop of Canterbury is at work on the King's great affair, to decide whether the other queen is his wife or no. Expects the sentence in three days. Asked that it might be delayed till the Pope's arrival at Nice, which was refused ; and then that it might be kept secret until he had met the French king ; which the King said was impossible, for it must be published before the Queen's coronation, which will take place on Whitsunday. He does not wish the Pope to give a sentence, or do anything to cause discussion about the inheritance of the child of which the Queen is pregnant. He intends the child, if a son, to be the sole heir of the kingdom. The sentence of the archbishop of Canterbury must therefore precede any other that may be given by the Pope. He said also that it would be more honorable for the Pope to consent to the Archbishop's sentence than to give it himself, considering how he has acted.

Norfolk "ne s'y trouve moins empesché que moy," as he can show the French king when he sees him.

Fr. Headed : Copie d'une lettre escripte au Roy par M. le Bailly de Troyes, du 23 May 1533.

29 May.

Camusat, 128 b.

29 May: 555. Camusat, 128b: Francis I. to the Bailly of Troyes.

Since answering his letters, has had letters from the cardinals Tournon and Grammont, of the 18th, concerning the instance made by the Imperial agents at Rome to persuade the Pope to proceed against the King of England by censures, and his Holiness's honorable, virtuous, and prudent reply. Sends the letter of the Cardinals to be communicated to the king, and then returned. Arrived here three days ago. Intended to send the Grand Master to Provence to prepare for the interview on June 3 or 4, but has heard that Antony Doria has left the Pope's service. Does not know if this will delay the interview. Has, therefore, delayed the Grand Master till he hears again from the Cardinals ; and if Norfolk has not started, the Bailly must tell him to wait till he hears from Francis, though he sees nothing as yet to hinder the interview. Will send a courier immediately on receiving news from the Cardinals. Writes to Henry in favor of Maestre Carro, his grand escuyer (Sir Nic. Carew). Desires the Bailly to present the letter to the King, and to request him to comply with it ; and to tell Carro of its arrival. Lyons, 29 May 1533.

Fr.

2 June.

Camusat, 17.

2 June: 584. Camusat, 17: Coronation Of Anne Boleyn.

Narrative of the entry and coronation of Anne Boleyn, queen of England, at London, 2 June 1533.

The Queen left Greenwich on Thursday, about four o'clock in the afternoon, in a "barque raze," like a brigantine, which was painted with her colours outside, with many banners. Her ladies attended her. She was accompanied by 100 or 120 similar vessels, also garnished with banners and standards. They were fitted out with small masts, to which was attached a great quantity of rigging, as on large ships ; the rigging being adorned with small flags of taffeta, and, by the writer's advice, with "or clinquant," as it reflects the sun's rays. There were many drums, trumpets, flutes, and hantbois. They arrived in less than half an hour at the Tower of London, where the cannon fired a salute. It was a very beautiful sight ; for, besides the vessels, there were more than 200 small boats, which brought up the near. The whole river was covered. On Friday the Queen did not leave her lodging. On Saturday, about five o'clock in the afternoon, in her royal dresses, which are of the same fashion as those of France, she mounted a litter covered inside and out with white satin. Over her was borne a canopy of cloth of gold. Then followed twelve ladies on hackneys, all clothed in cloth of gold. Next came a chariot covered with the same cloth, and containing only the duchess of Norfolk, step-mother of the Duke, and the Queen's mother. Next, twelve young ladies on horseback, arrayed in crimson velvet. Next, three gilded coaches, in which were many young ladies ; and, lastly, twenty or thirty others on horseback, in black velvet. Around the litter were the duke of Suffolk, that day Constable, and my lord William (fn. 2) [Howard], who was Great Marshal and Great Chamberlain,—a hereditary office,—in place of his brother the duke of Norfolk. Before them marched two men, called esquires, who wore bonnets furred with ermines, somewhat like the chief usher of Paris. Then came the French ambassador, accompanied by the archbishop of Canterbury ; then the Venetian ambassador, accompanied by the Chancellor ; then many bishops, and the rest of the great lords and gentlemen of the realm, to the number of 200 or 300. Before all, marched the French merchants, in violet velvet, [each] wearing one sleeve of the Queen's colours ; their horses being caparisoned in violet taffeta with white crosses. In all open places (carrefours) were scaffolds, on which mysteries were played ; and fountains poured forth wine. Along the streets all the merchants were stationed. The Queen alighted in a great hall, in which was a high place, where she partook of wine, and then retired to her chamber.

On Sunday morning, accompanied by all the said lords and gentlemen, she went on foot from her lodging to the church, the whole of the road being covered with cloth, and being about the length of the garden of Chantilly. All the bishops and abbots went to meet her, and conducted her to the church. After hearing mass, she mounted upon a platform before the great altar, covered with red cloth. The place where she was seated, which was elevated on two steps, was covered with tapestry. She remained there during the service, after being crowned by the archbishop of Canterbury, who delivered the crown to her, and consecrated her in front of the high altar. That day the duke of Suffolk was Grand Master, and constantly stood near the Queen with a large white rod in his hand. My lord William and the Great Chamberlain were also near her. Behind her were many ladies, duchesses, and countesses, attired in scarlet, in cloaks furred with ermines —such as are usually worn by duchesses and countesses,—and in bonnets. The dukes, earls, and knights were likewise clothed in scarlet robes, furred with ermines, like the first presidents of Paris, with their hoods. The coronation over, the Queen was led back again with the same company as she came, excepting some bishops, into a great hall, which had been prepared for her to dine in. The table was very long, and the Archbishop was seated a considerable distance from her. She had at her feet two ladies, seated under the table to serve her secretly with what she might need ; and two others near her, one on each side, often raised a great linen cloth to hide her from view, when she wished "s'ayser en quelque chose." Her dinner lasted a long time, and was very honorably served. Around her was an inclosure, into which none entered but those deputed to serve, who were the greatest personages of the realm, and chiefly those who served "de sommelliers d'eschançonnerie et panetrie." The hall being very large, and good order kept, there was no crowding. Beneath the inclosure were four great tables, extending the length of the hall. At the first were seated those of the realm who have charge of the doors ; below them, at the same table, were many gentlemen ; at the second table, the archbishops, bishops, the Chancellor, and many lords and knights. The two other tables were at the other side of the hall : "à celle du hault bout" was the mayor of London, accompanied by the sheriffs ; at the other were duchesses, countesses, and ladies. The duke of Suffolk was gorgeously arrayed with many stones and pearls, and rode up and down the hall and around the tables, upon a courser caparisoned in crimson velvet ; as also did my lord William, who presided over the serving, and kept order : they were always bareheaded, as you know is the custom of this country. The King stationed himself in a place which he had had made, and from which he could see without being seen ; the ambassadors of France and Venice were with him. At the hall door were conduits pouring out wine ; and there were kitchens to give viands to all comers, the consumption of which was enormous. Trumpets and hautbois sounded at each course, and heralds cried "largesse." Next day a tourney took place, eight against eight, and every one ran six courses. My lord William led one band, and Master Carew, the grand esquire, the other.

Fr.

7 June: 600. Camusat, 129b: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Has received his letter of the 23rd. Desires him to tell Henry that he will follow his advice about informing the Germans of the proposed interview. In reference to the fear that the statute against matrimonial appeals to Rome would prevent the interview, considers, from what he hears from the cardinals Tournon and Grammont, that the interview is certain. It was, however, fixed to be held at Nice on July 15, but their letters of the 27th ult. say that the cardinals and physicians urge the Pope not to go to Nice in July on account of the heat, as, of 20 people who leave Rome then and fall ill, only three escape. The Pope was ready to adhere to the time fixed, but Francis has advised him to wait till the middle of August. Will spend the time at Mascon, Tournuz, and in the neighbourhood of Lyon. Has read the letters of the Bailly and Rostaing about the doings of the archbishop of Canterbury, and the intended coronation of the Queen at Whitsuntide. Lyons, 7 June 1533.

8 June: 601. Harl. MS. 41, f. 2. B. M.: Coronation Of Anne Boleyn.

"The receiving, conveying, and coronation of the Queen."

In consequence of letters from the King to the mayor and commonalty of London, desiring them to make preparations for escorting queen Anne from Greenwich to the Tower, and to make pageants in the city on [Whit] Sunday next, the day of the coronation, the common council ordered the Haberdashers, to which craft Sir Steven Pecock, the mayor, belonged, to prepare barges decked with targets and banners.

On May 29 the mayor and his brethren assembled at St. Mary Hill at one o'clock, and embarked on board their barges, of which there were 50, with "shalmes, shagbushes," and other instruments on board. Before the mayor's barge was a "foiste for a wafter," full of ordnance. In the foiste was a great red dragon casting wild fire, and round about terrible monsters and wild men. Another foiste contained the Queen's device, a mount, with a white falcon crowned standing thereon, upon a "rowte" of gold, environed with red and white roses. Round the mount sat virgins singing and playing. On their arrival at Greenwich, the Queen entered her barge at three o'clock, and the whole company rowed up to the Tower. About her barge were the duke of Suffolk, the marquis of Dorset, the earls of Wiltshire, Derby, Arundel, Rutland, Worcester, Huntingdon, Sussex, Oxford, and others, and many bishops and noblemen, in their barges. On the way the ships lying on the shore shot divers peals of guns, and before she landed there was a marvellous shot out of the Tower. At her landing she was met by the Lord Chamberlain and officers of arms, and brought to the King at the postern by the water side. He kissed her, and she turned back and thanked the mayor and citizens, and then entered the Tower. None of the citizens landed but the mayor, recorder, and two aldermen. The rest "hoved before the Tower, making great melody." Friday, 29th, the following gentlemen, who were appointed to be knights of the Bath, served the King at dinner, and were bathed and shriven according to custom ; the next day they were dubbed :—The marquis of Dorset, the earl of Derby, lords Clifford, Fitzwater, Hastings, Mountaigle, and Vaux, Sir Henry Parker, Sir Wm. Windesour, Sir John Mordaunt, Sir Francis Weston, Sir Thos. Arundell, Sir John Hudelston, Sir Thos. Poyninges, Sir Hen. Savell, Sir George Fitzwilliam, of Lincolnshire, Sir John Tyndall, Sir Thos. Jermey, [and one other, heir to lord Windsor. "President saith these six more, viz., Mr. Corbett, Mr. Wyndam, Mr. Barkeley, Mr. Verney, of Peuleye, John Germyne, and Robert Whytneye, of Gloucestershire ; but I think not." (fn. 2) ]

Saturday, 31st. The receiving and conveying of the Queen through London.

The streets from the Tower to Temple Bar were gravelled to prevent the horses slipping, and railed on one side. The crafts stood along one side of the streets from Graces Church to the little conduit in Chepe, and on the other side the constables in velvet and silk, with great staves in their hands. The streets were hanged with tapestry, cloth of gold, and other hangings, and the windows were filled with ladies and gentlewomen. The order of the Queen's train was as follows : 12 Frenchmen belonging to the French ambassador ; then gentlemen, esquires and knights, two and two ; judges, knights of the Bath, abbots, barons, bishops, earls, marquises, the Lord Chancellor, the archbishop of York, Venetian ambassador, archbishop of Canterbury, French ambassador, two esquires of honor with robes and caps of estate representing the dukes of Normandy and Aquitaine ; the mayor of London ; Garter ; Lord Wm. Howard, deputy to his brother the duke of Norfolk, with the Marshal's rod ; Chas. duke of Suffolk, for that day high constable of England, bearing the verge of silver ; and the Queen's chancellor. On both sides of the lords rode serjeants and officers of arms. The Queen was in an open litter of white cloth of gold, drawn by two palfreys in white damask. She wore a surcoat and mantle of white cloth of tissue, the latter furred with ermines. Her hair was hanging down, but on her head was a coif with a circlet of rich stones. A canopy was borne over her by four knights. After the Queen came lord Borough, her chamberlain ; Sir Wm. Coffyn, master of her horses, leading a spare horse, with a side saddle ; seven ladies in crimson velvet and cloth of gold ; a chariot containing the old duchess of Norfolk, and the old "Marquesse Dorset" ; other ladies and gentlewomen in chariots and on horseback, and lastly the Guard, in coats of goldsmith's work. Along the road there were many pageants, which are fully described, representing mythological and allegorical subjects. The Cross in Cheapside, and the conduits there and in Fleet Street, and Ludgate and Temple Bar, were newly repaired and painted. At the Cross, Master Baker, the recorder, made a speech, and presented her with 1,000 marks in the name of the city. The children of St. Paul's school were placed on a scaffold erected at the east end of St. Paul's, and repeated poetry in honor of the King and Queen. The litter was carried into Westminster Hall, when she alighted and took her place at the high dais under the cloth of estate. A service of spice and "suttilties," with ypocras and other wines, was offered to her, which she sent to her ladies. After thanking those who had attended on her she withdrew to her chamber in the White Hall, and afterwards went secretly in her barge to the King at his manor of Westminster.

Whitsunday, June 1. The mayor, aldermen, sheriffs, and councillors left the city for Westminster at 7 a.m. Between eight and nine the Queen came into the Hall, and stood under the cloth of estate ; and then the King's chapel and the monks of Westminster came in with rich copes, with many bishops and abbots. The Queen then went to the high altar of Westminster, accompanied by the aldermen, barons, dukes and earls, bishops, &c. The marquis of Dorset bore the sceptre ; the earl of Arundel, the rod of ivory and the dove ; and the earl of Oxford, high chamberlain, the crown. The duke of Suffolk, being high steward of England for that day, bare a long white rod, and lord Wm. Howard the rod of the marshalship. The Queen wore a surcoat and robe of purple velvet, furred with ermine, wearing her hair with a coif and circlet as on the Saturday. Four of the Cinque Ports bore the canopy over her. The bishops of London and Winchester bare up the laps of her robe, and her train was borne by the old duchess of Norfolk, many other ladies following. She rested awhile in a rich chair between the choir and high altar, and then proceeded to the altar, where the archbishop of Canterbury crowned her with the crown of St. Edward, which being heavy, was taken off again, and the crown made for her put on. After mass was performed, she received the Sacrament, and offered at St. Edward's shrine. The company returned to Westminster Hall in the same order, the Queen being supported by the earl of Wiltshire and lord Talbot, deputy for the earl of Shrewsbury.

The order and sitting at dinner :—

The duke of Suffolk was high steward. Lord Wm. earl marshal, as deputy for his brother. The earl of Oxford, high chamberlain. The earl of Essex, carver. The earl of Sussex, sewer. The earl of Arundel, chief butler. The earl of Derby, cupbearer. Lord Lisle, panter. Lord of Burgayne, chief larder. Lord Bray, almoner. The mayor of Oxford kept the buttery bar. Thos. Wiat was chief sewer for his father, Sir Henry. The countess of Oxford, widow, and the Countess of Worcester, stood beside the Queen's chair, "which divers times in the dinner time did hold a fine cloth before the Queen's face when she list to spit or do otherwise at her pleasure." The archbishop of Canterbury sat on the Queen's right, and at her feet, under the table, two gentlewomen. The first course was brought in by the duke of Suffolk and Lord Wm. Howard, on horseback, the serjeants-of-arms, the sewer, and knights of the Bath. Account of the persons sitting at the different tables, and the number of dishes. The King and divers ambassadors looked on from a little closet out of the cloister of St. Stephen's. After dinner, wafers and ypocras were served ; and when the Queen had washed, the company meanwhile standing, the table was taken up, and the earl of Rutland brought up the surnape, which was drawn by Master Rede, marshal of the Hall. The earl of Sussex then brought a void of spice and confections, and the mayor of London a standing cup of gold, which she gave him after drinking therefrom. When she departed to her chamber, she gave the canopy to the barons of the Cinque Ports ; and then the mayor, and noblemen and gentlemen, departed, for it was six o'clock.

On Monday there were jousts at the tilt before the King's Gate. The mayor and his brethren had a goodly standing ; but there were few spears broken, as the horses would not couple.

On Wednesday the King sent for the mayor and his brethren to Westminster, and thanked them.

On the next leaf is a plan of the arrangement of the tables, with drawings of the Queen and archbishop of Canterbury at table, and the King looking on from the closet.

Vellum, pp. 26.

ß

9 June: 614. Camusat, 130 b.: The Bailly Of Troyes to John Du Bellay, Bishop Of Paris.

The king [of England] desires him to write to Du Bellay, what he also writes to the King and the Grand Master, that it has been declared in open Consistory at Rome, on the part of the king [of France], that he would use all his power to resist the Lutherans, and even attack them if necessary. This King is very illpleased, and says it is done to break his intelligence with the Germans, and to make the Pope and Emperor independent of them. He says that the French king has been badly counselled and badly served ; and that he has been too anxious for the interview, which the Pope ought to desire more than he. Replied that the interview was chiefly sought by the King on Henry's account, and there have been no practices, except about the marriage, of which he has long known. Has never seen him so angry, partly on account of the news from Rome, that the Pope is pushing his affair ; for though he has promised to do nothing of importance until the interview, that means that he will not give judgment ; but all will be prepared. If it goes against Henry, does not know whether he will find his people as obedient as he thinks. He does well to entertain the chief persons of the kingdom, so that the people will have no head to lead them. Things may not go so far as this, but you know the people of this country, "dont il n'est pas besoin que beaucoup ayent le pouvoir dont ils ont le voulloir."

The bearer, M. de Fleury, will tell him more. Encloses a letter from M. de Beauvois. Wishes to leave England, as he is never well for more than a week. Will have been here six months on the 22nd.

Fr. Headed : Coppie. Lettres de M. Polizy, bailly de Troyes, a M. du Bellay, evesque de Paris. Dated in the margin, 9 June 1533.

26 June: 707. Camusat, 131b.: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Has received his letters of the 9th and 13th, stating that he had received those of Francis of the 29th May, and had shown the king of England the letters of cardinals Tournon and Grammont. Has noted Henry's remarks on the said letter, and his reply to the request in favor of Caro, (fn. 1)[ Sir Nicholas Carew. Elected Knight of the Garter 23 April 28 Hen. VIII.]  touching the collar of his order. Has not heard anything about the declaration made on his behalf at Rome against the Lutherans, which Henry mentioned. Does not suppose it to be true, as the Cardinals had no such charge. Will take his advice about informing the German princes that nothing prejudicial to them will be done at the interview. The Bailly may tell him that Francis will not grant the Pope anything he does not think reasonable, or that can prejudice either King. Henry must be very ill-informed from Rome. There is no reason for the interview, except what he has already heard. Desires him to thank the King for his offers and advice. Is glad to hear from Henry, and the Bailly's letter of the 13th, that the king of England has arranged a meeting of commissioners at Newcastle to treat for truce with Scotland. Has heard a rumour, but nothing certain, of the intended attack on Italy by the Turk, which the Venetian ambassador mentioned to the king of England.

The Scotch ambassador is returned to Scotland. Encloses a copy of a letter he has sent by him. Does not wish it to be shown, but if the King asks questions he may say that Francis has written to James to persuade him to make peace with England, and making certain offers concerning the marriage which had been already proposed by Beauvais and Fleury. The Ambassador was intending to go through England, or embark at Dieppe, according to circumstances. Lyon, 26 June 1533.

Fr.

30 June: 723. Camusat, 133.: The Bailly Of Troyes to Francis I.

Wrote three days ago of the death of the queen Mary, duchess of Suffolk, who was much beloved in the country and by the common people of this town. Sends back the letters of the cardinals Tournon and Grammont, having shown them to the King, who says that the Pope neither ought to nor can say that he has done anything against God and reason, "et que si vous vous mettez de sa part vous affectionnant pour luy, que ce n'est qu'avec le droict et la raison." The King is very ill-pleased with the news from Rome that the Pope has refused his excusator, a thing which he says concerns not only him but Francis and all other Christian princes, whom the Pope will treat similarly when there is occasion. He thanks Francis for De Beauvois' letter, which the Bailly will send on. Beauvois writes that the King is wrongly informed that the Scotch king has ships at sea. Expects Beauvois is now at Newcastle (Neufchastel), where the commissioners for truce are assembled.

Has received the copy of Francis' letter to the treasurer Fitzwilliam. He is very ready to do pleasure and service to the French. Has told the King about Norfolk's journey. He had already heard of it, and thanks Francis for the great honor he has done him. He said he had sent a post to bid him go to seek Francis. Replied that Francis had arranged the shortest way for him, and that he would have finished his journey to Puy and be returning before the Duke was at Avignon. He replied that he wished the Duke at all events to seek the King, as he had something to say which Henry was very anxious for Francis to hear. The King has heard from his Ambassador with the Emperor that since his arrival in Spain he has had trouble with his soldiers for want of payment, and he has been obliged to pay them, and send them back to Italy. Dated in the margin, 30 June 1533.

Fr. Headed : Lettres au Roy de M. le Bailly de Troyes, du dernier Juin 1533. Coppie.

30 June (?) 768. R. O.: De Dinteville to Cromwell.

Writes in favor of the bearer, whom the King has retained to use as his amanuensis (pour s'en servir d'escripvain). Hopes Cromwell will help him, as he has always done those in whose favor Dinteville has written, and especially the Breton, about whose business he hopes soon to speak to him more fully. Bridewell, Tuesday morning. Signed.

Fr., p. 1. Add. : A Mons. Craumowel, conseiller du Roy.

16 July: 846. Camusat, 133 b.: Francis I. to the Bailly of Troyes.

Is grieved to hear by his last letter of June 30 of the death of Queen Mary, duchess of Suffolk. As to what the King said, on being shown the letters of cardinals Tournon and Grammont, of his discontent with the Pope's conduct, will make no other answer except that when he and the Pope meet, he will so occupy himself in Henry's interest that all present will acknowledge that he esteems the King's affairs as his own, and he will continue to do what he can to prevent the Pope from taking any steps prejudicial to the King.

The cardinals Tournon and Grammont write on the 28th ult. that the Pope is quite determined to be at Nice immediately after the first rains of August, and this he has declared to the Imperial ambassador and others. M. de Savoy's agent has told the Pope that his master will place the town and castle of Nice in his hands, for the interview. Sees nothing now to prevent it.

The duke of Norfolk has been with him for four or five days. Has been much pleased with what he has said on the King's part. Was glad of his arrival, both on account of the affection he bears to the Duke, and because he would have been sorry to see him travel further on account of his recent illness. Has thought it advisable for him to go to Lyons, and remain there till the King's return from Toulouse. The Duke can then meet him at Avignon, and go on to the interview at Nice. At Lyons he can have frequent news from England, Rome, and elsewhere, and Francis will forward him what news he receives. Has sent the bishop of Paris and the sieurs de Morette, de Vaulx, de la Hargerie, and others, to accompany him. He and his company are much pleased with their entertainment in all the places they have passed through. A nephew of the escuier Merveilles has come hither in great haste from Milan, which he left on Tuesday, with news of the execution of Merveilles by the duke of Milan on the preceding day. Had sent him as an Ambassador to the Duke. Is determined to resent it. Desires him to mention the fact to the King, and ask his advice. Sends an extract from letters from his Ambassador at Venice. Villeneufve, in Auvergne, 16 July 1533.

12 August: 973. Camusat, 135: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Has received his letter of the 18th, with an account of what the king of England says concerning the outrage committed by duke Francis Sforza in beheading Merveilles. Intends to write to all Christian princes about it, as he does to Henry. Sends a copy of the letter and an account of the proceedings by Merveilles' nephew, to be shown to the King, whose advice he desires.

Had heard of the sentence given at Rome before receiving his letter. Is much displeased. Hoped that the affair would be remitted to the interview between the Pope and himself. Does not despair of redressing matters at the interview, and will do his best then. Norfolk has just sent Brian with the news of the sentence. Has told him his mind. Hears that Mr. de Rochefort has returned from England to the duke of Norfolk, who has now left Lyons to come to Francis. Narbonne, 12 Aug. 1533.

Fr.

14 August: 978. Camusat, 136b: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Understands, by his last letter to the bishop of Paris, the state of affairs concerning the truce between England and Scotland. Thinks that the obstacle to its conclusion is of so little consequence that neither party ought to stick at it, considering the great advantage of a truce to both. He must present the accompanying letter of credence to the King, and request him to put the place which is in dispute in the hands of Francis, if the Scotch king agrees, to do with it hereafter as they both think fit. If he agrees, the Bailly can send a gentleman with one or two servants to keep the place. Has sent the Great Master to Provence to prepare for the interview, and doubts not that he will see the duke of Norfolk on the way. Besiers, 14 Aug. 1533.

Fr.

27 August: 1038. Camusat, 137: Francis I. to the Bailly of Troyes.

Supposes that Norfolk will have arrived in England before this letter, as he has been travelling in post. Though he has probably told the Bailly what he has concluded with Francis, sends an account of what has passed. In accordance with the orders brought by lord Rochford, the Duke came to Francis at Montpellier, and declared to him the King's displeasure at the sentence given by the Pope, which he was determined to resent, and trusted that Francis would do the same. He had special orders to dissuade Francis from the interview ; and if he did not succeed in doing this, he was not to go himself, but to return to England without waiting for additional letters. Replied that he did not consider the sentence final, and it was no reason for breaking off the interview, which was already known by all Christendom, and had been arranged by Henry's advice. Could not honorably break it off, and considers it the best possible opportunity for setting matters right, as words spoken between princes have more effect than despatches, and he may be assured that Francis will act as if the affair were his. The Duke was persuaded by these words, and returned the next day in the same mind. He was present at the Council, who showed him the causes why his master should desire the interview, and the means of redressing matters if he would send some one with power to treat. This the Duke thinks Henry will willingly do, and asked for a memorandum in writing to show to his master of what could be done to redress matters. Encloses a copy of the articles which were given him. Has done what he could to retain the Duke, but he has several times declared that he has express orders to return, and dared not disregard them. In fact, he departed immediately, so as to despatch some one to come in his stead. Desires the Bailly to solicit the despatch of this person as much as possible. Much regrets that Norfolk would not stop, thinking that his presence would have been useful for his master's affairs. Sends a copy of a letter from cardinal Tournon of the 17th instant.

Heard two days ago from the Grand Master that the duke of Albany has gone with the galleys to Especyo, where the Pope and the duchess of Urbino will embark. The Duchess will come to Nice, and the Pope straight to Marseilles, where the Grand Master is making preparations to receive him and the King. Is going to Avignon for a few days. Nysmes, 27 Aug. 1533.

Fr.

29 August: 1045. R.O.: De Dinteville to Lord Lisle.

Two days ago we had news from Scotland that the king of Scots desired the truce for 20 days at the request of Mons. de Beauvois and myself ; to which the King, his uncle, has agreed. The Commissioners on both sides are to meet within that period to arrange it for a year, which I have great hopes will take effect. London, 29 Aug. Signed.

Fr., p. 1. Add. : Mons. de Lisle, lieutenant pour le Roy a Calais.

3 Sept.

Camusat, 139.

3 September: 1070. Camusat, 139: The Bailly Of Troyes to Francis I.

Has received his letters sent by the duke of Norfolk, who arrived Aug. 30. He has completely satisfied Henry of Francis' friendship. He has asked whether the Bailly has orders to hold at the font the child of which the Queen is pregnant, if it is a boy. Replied that he had no such orders, but would write about it. The King said the Queen would probably be delivered before an answer could be had ; and Norfolk said he had spoken to Francis about it, and asked him, on the Queen's part, if the Bailly or some other on his behalf might hold the said child, which he said Francis had agreed to. Asks his pleasure. The King means the child, if a boy, to be named Edward or Henry. In accordance with Norfolk's account of what he arranged with Francis, the King is sending the bishop of Winchester to him.

The king of Scotland has taken a truce for 20 days, and the Commissioners have again met to conclude a truce for a year, if possible. Now that Norfolk has come, hopes that matters will go on better. London, 3 Sept. 1533.

Fr.

6 September: 1086. Camusat, 9: Francis I. to M. De Polizi, Bailly of Troyes.

Gives him leave to return home, as he has been over there [in England] a long while. Sends in his stead the sieur de Castillon, gentleman of the Chamber, the bearer. Avignon, 6 Sept. 1533. Signed and countersigned.

Fr. Add. : A M. le Bailly de Troyes, mon ambr. devers le Roy d'Ang., mon bon frère et perpetuel allié.

10 September: 1111. Harl. MS. 543, f. 128. B. M. Hall's Chron. f. 217 b.: The Princess Elizabeth.

The christening of lady Elizabeth, daughter to King Henry VIII., the 25th year of his reign, A.D. 1533.

On Sept 7, between three and four o'clock p.m., the Queen was delivered of a fair lady, for whom Te Deum was incontinently sung. The mayor, Sir Stephen Pecock, with his brethren and 40 of the chief citizens, were ordered to be at the christening on the Wednesday following ; on which day the mayor and council, in scarlet, with their collars, rowed to Greenwich, and the citizens went in another barge.

All the walls between the King's place and the Friars were hanged with arras, and the way strewed with rushes. The Friars' church was also hanged with arras. The font, of silver, stood in the midst of the church three steps high, covered with a fine cloth, and surrounded by gentlemen (fn. 6) with aprons and towels about their necks, that no filth should come into it. Over it hung a crimson satin canopy fringed with gold, and round it was a rail covered with red say. Between the choir and the body of the church was a close place with a pan of fire, to make the child ready in. When the child was brought to the hall every man set forward. The citizens of London, two and two ; then gentlemen, squires, and chaplains, the aldermen, the mayor alone, the King's council, his chapel, in copes ; barons, bishops, earls ; the earl of Essex bearing the covered gilt basons ; the marquis of Exeter with a taper of virgin wax. The marquis of Dorset bare the salt. The lady Mary of Norfolk bare the chrisom, of pearl and stone. The officers of arms. The old duchess of Norfolk bare the child in a mantle of purple velvet, with a long train held by the earl of Wiltshire, the countess of Kent, and the earl of Derby. The dukes of Suffolk and Norfolk were on each side of the Duchess. A canopy was borne over the child by lord Rochford, lord Hussy, lord William Howard, and lord Thomas Howard the elder. Then ladies and gentlewomen. The bishop of London and other bishops and abbots met the child at the church door, and christened it. The archbishop of Canterbury was godfather, and the old duchess of Norfolk and the old marchioness of Dorset godmothers. This done, Garter, with a loud voice, bid God send her long life. The archbishop of Canterbury then confirmed her, the marchioness of Exeter being godmother. Then the trumpets blew, and the gifts were given ; after which wafers, comfits, and hypocras were brought in. In going out the gifts were borne before the child, to the Queen's chamber, by Sir John Dudley, lord Thos. Howard, the younger, lord Fitzwater, and the earl of Worcester. One side was full of the Guard and King's servants holding 500 staff torches, and many other torches were borne beside the child by gentlemen. The mayor and aldermen were thanked in the King's name by the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and after drinking in the cellar went to their barge.

Copy in Stow's hand, pp. 4.

10 Sept.

10 September: 1113. Camusat, 10.: Francis I. to Henry VIII.

Learns by letters from the bailly of Troyes, his ambassador in England, and from the sieur de Beauvais, his ambassador in Scotland, the slight difficulty which hinders the conclusion of the truce between Henry and the Scotch king, and which is founded upon a place of small consequence on the Borders. Prays him, for the welfare of their common affairs, not to stick at trifles, and begs credence for the sieur de Castillon, the bearer. Avignon, 10 Sept. 1533.

From a duplicate. Fr.

10 September: 1114. Camusat, 10 b: Francis I. to his Ambassadors in England and Scotland.

Has received their letter of the 26th ult., with the duplicate of that which they wrote on the 13th to the king of Scotland, concerning the prolongation of the truce between England and Scotland. René le Pelletier has also informed him on the subject. Perceives that the truce is not concluded because of the place called Ramille ; (fn. 8) at which he is greatly displeased. Has written to the king of England ; sends them the duplicate. They are to understand that he does not wish to press Henry to do anything which he would not approve of as much as Francis. Learns from their letter the conversation which the King and Queen his good sister held with them concerning the interview, and that they desire him to give them certain knowledge of the friendship which he bears to them. As he has fully conversed with the duke of Norfolk before his departure, concerning Henry's affair, and the means available for redressing the sentence lately given, has no more to say at present, except that at the interview, which he hopes will take place in a few days, he will employ himself in the affair. They are to advertise the Queen of what is above written, and thank her for her communications with them. Avignon, 10 Sept. Signed and countersigned.

Fr. Add. : A Mons. le Bailly de Troyes, mon ambr. devers le Roy d'Ang., &c., et le sieur de Beauvais, aussi mon ambr. devers de Roy d'Escosse.

17 September: 1135. Camusat, 139 b.: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Yesterday evening received his letter of the 3rd. Would be glad to send some notable personage to be present at the baptism of the expected prince, but if the King cannot wait for this the Bailly may do it. Will send a ring to be presented to the Queen, and meanwhile he may use one which Norfolk will give him. Had already heard of the mission of the bishop of Winchester, and expects him here today or tomorrow.

Is pleased with the Scotch news he has had from the Bailly and De Beauvais. The Grand Master writes from Marseilles that the duchess of Urbino has arrived at Nice, and that Albany had returned to Spezzia (à l'Espece) to meet the Pope, who will be there on the 20th or 22nd. He left Rome eight days ago. Arles, 17 Sept. 1533.

Fr.

5 Oct.

Camusat, 140 b.

5 October: 1220. Camusat, 140 b: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Has received two despatches from him since writing, about the Queen's delivery and other things. The English ambassadors, seeing that the end of September was approaching, at which time the king of England would incur the censures in the late sentence against him, asked Francis to write to cardinal de Tournon to urge the Pope to prorogue the censures, which he did. Sends a copy of the answer he has received, to be shown to the King. Has sent the original letter to the Grand Master, to be shown to the English ambassadors. The Pope would have been already at Marseilles, but for the bad weather at sea. He will come on board the French galleys at Leghorn the first fine day, and it will not take more than four or five days to come to Marseilles. St. Maximin en Provence, 5 Oct. 1533.

Fr.

5 October, 1221. Camusat, 140b: De Dinteville [Bailly Of Troyes] to Francis I.

Has received his letter of 17 Sept. Has already written that the Queen has had a daughter. The King thanks Francis for his intentions. Has told him about the Pope's departure from Rome. He longs to know what will be done at the interview in his affair.

Sent a post three days ago with news of the truce between England and Scotland. "De Gremyche" (Greenwich), 5 Oct.

Fr.

14 October: 1288. Camusat, 12: Francis I. to the Bailly Of Troyes.

Wrote lately, and sent to him the duplicate of a letter from cardinal de Tournon, to be shown to the king of England, that he might understand the prorogation obtained by Francis from the Pope touching his affair. Last Saturday the Pope arrived near this town, and next day entered it. Yesterday in public consistory Francis did him reverence and kissed his foot. Today his consort will do the same, and to morrow the Dauphin. Then they will commence negotiating. Firmly believes that from the interview will result the repose of Christendom. Has received the Bailly's letter of the 3rd instant, stating that on the preceding day news had reached Henry of the conclusion of the truce between him and the king of Scotland for a year. Trusts that during the interval differences will be amicably settled. As to the conversation which Henry held with the Bailly concerning the words which he desires Francis to use when speaking to the Pope "pour le faict de l'excusateur," the Bailly is to assure him that Francis will not forget to do all that he sees necessary for his affair. Marseilles, 14 Oct. 1533. Signed and countersigned.

Fr. Add. : A M. le Bailly de Troyes, mon ambassadeur, &c.

15 October: 1294. Camusat, 141b: Berthereau to the Bailly Of Troyes.

The Pope, on arriving here, went to the Grand Master's garden, where he slept ; and the following day, Sunday, entered the town. The King visited him privately in the evening. The Queen and Dauphin were received in Consistory yesterday, as the King had been the day before. The dukes of Orleans and Angoulesme accompanied the King and Dauphin one day. Thinks the Legate will have his consistorial day tomorrow for the cardinalate. Tomorrow negotiations may begin after the King has been to sea with his galleys. Marseilles, 15 Oct.

Fr.

2 November: 1386. Camusat, 142.: The Bailly Of Troyes to Francis I.

Hears today from the King that his ambassadors have written that the Pope has told Francis he cannot attend to his cause now, as the process is at Rome, and the King thinks he will not have a good despatch. He has heard also that the Pope has done nothing in his affair ; and he complains of Francis having concluded the marriage of the duke of Orleans and the Pope's niece, reminding the Bailly of what had been said about it at Calais.

Has no instructions for replying. Said that whatever Francis did with the Pope, it would not diminish his affection for Henry ; that he had promised the Pope for a long time to make this marriage, and he knew Henry would not wish him to break his word, and that his desire of having an alliance in Italy was not without good reason. Said all he could to prevent the King from being annoyed. He takes the matter very much to heart, and thinks that Francis is being gained over to the side of the Pope against him. Greenwich, 2 Nov. 1533.

Fr.

7 November: 1404. Camusat, 142 b.: The Bailly Of Troyes to [Montmorency], the Grand Master.

Has received no letter from the King or the Grand Master since writing six days ago. Is surprised, as the king of England says that his ambassadors write that the King has sent something to be communicated to him. The conversation mentioned in his last letter took place while walking with the King from his chamber to his chapel. He tried to make out that the Bailly's instructions were to the effect that the King would never perform the marriage of the duke of Orleans unless the Pope would decide Henry's affair as he wished. Would not acknowledge that he had ever heard of such a thing, and offered to show him the instructions. He then said that although the Bailly had never mentioned it, Francis had promised it at Calais, both to him and the Queen. As he knelt before the altar he said that if this marriage took place without the Pope doing anything for him, he would not have great cause to esteem his friendship with Francis. While he was at mass, went to the duke of Norfolk's chamber to despatch the letters to Francis and Montmorency, as the courier was waiting for them. Was unable to see the King again after mass, but spoke fully on the subject to the Duke. Said that Henry pressed Francis wonderfully, though he was taking more trouble in this matter than he did for the deliverance of himself or his children ; and that if he knew that his trouble and expence were so ill requited by the King, he would be much vexed. Begged the Duke and the principal members of the Council to show this to the King, and to tell him that it is easy to trouble a friend by importunity. Said that if they were good advisers of their King, they would wish Francis to be friendly with the Pope ; for if he declares himself his enemy as the king of England wishes him to do, without reason, his Holiness would entirely give himself over to the Emperor.

Norfolk and others of the Council agree with this. He says the King is so troubled in his brain about this matter that he does not trust any one alive ; and though he himself is one of the chief persons in whom he trusts, both the King and the Queen often suspect him. Believes there are many persons here, even among the principal people, who would be very sorry if the Pope had given sentence against the late Queen, for this one and all her family are little beloved.

Hears that Castillon is at sea. Hopes to present him to the King on Sunday, and to take leave. Will speak to the King about what he has mentioned already, as the Council would not dare to speak as boldly as he would.

Will write about the answer he receives from the King when at Boulogne. London, 7 Nov. 1533.

Fr.

11 November: 1415. Jean De Dinteville, Bailiff of Troyes, French ambassador.

See Grants in November, No. 10. Mons. de Dintevilla, bailly de Troes, ambassador to the French king. Licence to pass beyond sea, with his servants, baggage, &c., and to convey out of the realm horses, mules, and mulettes to the number of 26. Del. Westm., 11 Nov. 25 Hen. VIII—S.B.

17 November: 1435. MS. Dupuy, V. 33, f. 19.: Castillon to the Bishop Of Paris.

The bailly of Troyes leaves tomorrow to return to France, by whom I will write more at length. I only mention here that the king of England begins to cool much in his friendship towards Francis, seeing he has proceeded so coldly with the Pope, considering the alliance that has so long subsisted between them. Moreover, he is determined to withdraw both himself and his country from the obedience of the Pope, and cause the Word of God to be preached everywhere, fully believing that Our Lord will aid his right. This is a bad example for other princes, but most of the lords are already much inclined to it. London, 17 Nov.

Hol. From a copy lent by Mr. Friedmann.

1479. Camusat, 19: Henry VIII. and Francis I.

Memorial drawn up by M. de Polizy, bailly of Troyes, concerning certain conversations which the king of England has held with him.

Henry complains that all Christian princes will think that the friendship between Francis and himself is not so sincere as at the beginning. As to the innovations which Francis had promised that Henry should not make, their honor is not injured, nor their promise broken ; for the Pope has commenced in three ways,—by the censures which have been published in Flanders, by not accepting the "excusateur," &c. ; which [Henry] says he has notified, by his ambassadors, to the King his brother.

He complains that "procuration" is demanded of him, and that it is said the business would have been arranged to the satisfaction of him who had had it. He answers that the Pope, in the first instance, when he was at Marseilles, said that he had not got the process, so that at that time the procuration would have been of no use. But the Pope did not speak the truth, for it is certain that the process is with him. Moreover, the King (Francis) had told the duke of Norfolk, when procuration was talked of, that he himself should be his procurator. (fn. 2) Therefore Henry thinks it very strange that complaint should now be made about the procuration. For his own sake and that of all other princes he would never grant it ; if he did, it would be consenting to have no "excusateur," which he will not do. Nor will he unmake the laws which have been passed by the estates of his realm for the public weal, nor can he, as he says.

He says Francis has stated that the Pope himself has acknowledged the justness of his cause ; which is enough for him, because the Pope and Francis understand it, as also do the legists of France, especially with regard to the "excusateur." (fn. 3) He, therefore, wonders why Francis should speak of having procuration, which would be to abolish the "excusateur," contrary to the opinion of all [the legists] even of his realm.

If the Pope say that action has been taken against him over here, and that great injuries even have been done to the Holy See, [it may be answered that] the Pope has done the same to Henry. But he passes over the injuries done on either side ; for he does not ask, nor will he make, any reparation. He only asks that justice should be done him. If it be not done, he will not be concerned about it, for he has provided for his own affair. He is quite satisfied with having God and right on his side.

He complains of so much homage and footkissing, which is contrary to what had been said to him at Calais in reference to the Emperor. He had advised that the Pope should not be trusted, but his advice has not been observed. Nor has the promise touching the marriage been kept ; which was not to have been concluded if his affair was not settled. He is surprised that the clauses of the contract are kept from him. He says that if he [Francis] had pressed the Pope more, the latter would have complied ; but [Francis] has done him too much honor and good cheer.

He complains much of Francis' council, who have turned him from the good opinion which he used to have. He does not know if they wish to treat him after the old fashion of France, which is to entertain people as long as they have need of them, without coming to the point, and to use dissimulation. But they will not do so with him, for he has known the world too long. He speaks, and desires to be spoken to, plainly. When he is addressed frankly, he will be won over with his person and his substance, but not otherwise. His friendship can profit, and is worth as much as the Pope's.

He cannot think for what reasons an interview is spoken of between them two. If it is desired in order to induce him to undo anything which he has done, a great mistake is made, and the friendship will diminish instead of increasing. (fn. 4) It is two months since Henry has said a word to the Bailly touching the interview.

He says that he is not governed by, but governs, his Council ; otherwise the Council would be King, and not he. He desires their opinions, but decides for himself, as every King ought to do.

He commanded the Bailly to make his cordial recommendations to Francis, and to say that he trusted Francis would not doubt his friendship.

In such conversations, and in many others which the Bailly cannot remember, Henry accused him of ingratitude and breach of promise, and said he spoke plainly because the Bailly was about to depart. The Bailly answered that he would rather be the poorest gentleman in France than have to relate such conversations to Francis ; that he was not come hither to carry back words which would tend to diminish the friendly relations ; that there was no need they should be known ; that Francis took great trouble in Henry's affair,— for his prison, and that of Messieurs [his children], caused him less anxiety— not to speak of the expence, which Henry must be aware is not small ; and that it was to be feared lest, on hearing of such discourses, Francis in his turn should talk of ingratitude. Prayed him, therefore, to discontinue them.

Henry then left the Bailly, and went to M. de Castillon, who that day had done him reverence. His friendship has decidedly cooled, but he imputes no blame to Francis,—only to his councillors. He says that he recognizes the Pope as bishop of Rome, or as Pope, according as he wishes to be named ; not that the Pope has any superiority over him or his subjects. He will not, in consequence of this, be less Christian, but more so ; for in everything and in every place he desires to cause Jesus Christ to be recognized, who alone is the patron of Christians ; and he will cause the Word to be preached, and not the decrees and canons of the Pope. (fn. 5) His Ambassador with the Emperor has advertised him that, in consequence of the joy which the Spaniards have had on hearing of the revictualling of Coron, they have threatened to invade his realm. He says he is not afraid of it, and that they might perhaps come and not return. All the English Council is very sorry that their King is so bitter. He complains much that the [French] Cardinals did not leave the Consistory, and others would have followed them. The Treasurer (fn. 6) is very sorry his master is so deeply moved, and gives the Bailly so to understand ; and he says that Francis should consider that Henry has done much for him by leaving the Emperor's party. The Bailly confessed this, but prayed him to tell his master and his Council that they ought to consider that Francis was well aware that if he had had Henry's friendship, "ce n'avoit esté pour des prunes," and that it had cost him very dear. Often, after going into a passion, Henry has said that he trusted the Bailly would not say or write anything which would diminish the friendship between them ; and those of his Council have often done the same. When the King saw a letter from cardinal de Tournon, stating that he did not know what more he could do because of the innovations made over here, contrary to his promise to the Pope, he said it was not written after the manner of good servants desirous of fostering friendship.

Fr.

2

In margin : "Nota, que Mr. de Norfort diet n'en avoir du tout tant dict."

3

In margin : "Ses ambassadeurs l'ont escrit."

4

In margin : "Nota, qu'il ne veult qu'il soit sceu."

5

Note in the margin : The duke of Norfolk says that he has prayed and advised the King his master to allow the annates to go to Rome, but he has not yet granted it.

6

Fitzwilliam, treasurer of the Household.

MS. Dupuy, tome 33, f. 52, Paris.          1572. Du Bellay on England and the Pope.

"Memoires pour le fait d'entre le Pape et le Roi d'Angleterre, auquel le Roi s'estoit entremis."

One of the principal reasons which induced the King (Francis) to go to Marseilles, and agree to an interview with the Pope, was, as I have said, to confer with him touching the peace of Christendom. Pope Clement, who sought the interview, proposed to him these reasons, and it appeared to him that one of the chief things demanding attention was the increasing dissension between the Holy See and England, for he saw it might lead to the most serious consequences, and, if not seen to at once, the flame might be difficult to extinguish. The Pope was continually urging Francis to this effect, knowing he had more influence with the king of England than any other. On the other hand, Henry, trusting in the friendship of Francis, would place more confidence in him than in any one else. The Pope, therefore, having intimated to Francis that if he would come to Marseilles he was ready to make such concessions (il se condescendroyt a de si grandes raisons) that they would not part before some good expedient had been found in the matter, Francis agreed to the interview, and sent to the king of England, desiring him to send persons in whom he had perfect confidence, both to be witnesses and participators in all that should be done, and to state reasons when necessary, and accept reasonable agreements, with power to conclude ; assuring the said King that he would labor in this affair for his peace of mind as if it were for his own interest. The said King thanked him greatly, and expressed great satisfaction, saying that if his affairs could endure so long absence, he himself would come in person to the King that they might come the more readily to some arrangement ; but, in default of this, he sent those who stood nearest to him, among others the duke of Norfolk, the brother of the new Queen, the treasurer, &c., accompanied by the most learned persons of his kingdom, who were best able to discuss matters. They were furnished with full powers, and came to the King at Vuich, where he was on the point of leaving for Languedoc, which he had not yet seen, to go from thence to Marseilles.

They were there received by the King very honorably, according to the amity between the two Kings, and after several meetings together it was suggested, for the convenience of the said Lords, who had come by long journeys from a distant country, that before going to Languedoc, a very hot country to which they were unaccustomed, especially as their men and horses were nearly worn out, they should leave with the King some of their number (those most familiar in our Court) and the English ambassador, and that the others should take the way of Lyons, which is much shorter and more convenient for them, and afterwards meet the King there, where it would be most convenient for both sides. The King thereupon ordered a great and notable company of his servants (fn. 4) to accompany them, the chief of whom was the bishop of Paris, all friends and "familiers," of whom there was not one who had not been ambassador in England, and with whom they were not on intimate terms, and ordered that wherever they went they should be honored as if it had been the Dauphin. They accordingly parted with the King in that company, full of great hope, both the said Lord (Francis) and they, that some important step would be taken ; and the different embassies each informed their master of the good beginning which appeared to be made,—among others the ambassadors of the Pope, Fayence, who came on his part to conclude the interview and communicate about this affair of England, and the bishop of Como. But there immediately came news of a troublesome character.

It must be observed that, as Francis had taken this affair in hand at the request of the parties, he conjured them to innovate nothing against each other until the issue of the enterprise was seen. This was agreed to, and Francis felt quite assured of it. Then, when the English deputies had arrived at Lyons, the authorities of the town receiving them with great honor, a gentleman arrived, on his way to England from Rome, in post, and told Norfolk that he was going to inform the king of England how sentence had been given against him by Pope Clement, and delivered him a little bill of it ; at which the poor Duke was so astonished that he nearly fainted. Having communicated this news to the bishop of Paris, when he had calmed himself as well as possible, he retired secretly to his lodging, and they began to confer together what remedy could be applied. The bishop of Paris, not to interrupt an affair so well begun, urged the duke of Norfolk that, as they thought it desirable to go in post to Francis, take leave of him, and return to their master, the Queen's brother alone should go thither, and that Brian should go to Francis to complain of the outrage done by the Pope. They said that, after their master had received such an affront as to be condemned and excommunicated by the Pope, it would not be honorable for them to be with the King as suppliants in the presence of the said Pope. They said, if they committed such a fault their lives would be in danger ; and, but for the assurance of the bishop of Paris, that this sentence, which he supposed had been given for contumacy, could be repaired by order of law at the interview, and a kind of protest he made against them if they departed so suddenly, by which protest they might protect themselves from their master's displeasure, they would have broken off at once. The reason which had induced the Pope to give this sentence was, among other things, the news that the king of England, in spite of his promise not to innovate, had caused scandalous farces to be played, and men in masks arrayed as cardinals went about the streets, "qui portoyent en crouppe des putains et des baudoiches (?)," things which the Pope interpreted as innovations, and took in great displeasure. Cardinals Tournon and Grammont did all they could to prevent the sentence, which the Pope showed that he had no wish to give ; but he could not refuse, to the proctors of the old Queen, or rather to the agents of the Emperor and Cardinals, to let it be heard in Consistory, telling the French cardinals that nothing would come of it. Nevertheless, he was very glad to let the die be cast, and shut his eyes while the greater part of the Cardinals were irritated, for he knew quite well that, by bringing the matter into Consistory, sentence would be given ; and, moreover, wished it to be so from a feeling that his side was injured, and that affairs would take a better turn for him at Marseilles if the injury was not overlooked. Such was the idea of Pope Clement, who sent to the King to excuse what he had done, saying the sentence had not been given by his wish, but that he had not been able to refuse audience to the parties after so many delays, especially at his departure from Rome, as the Imperialists would have cried out against his injustice, and this would have deprived him of the power of doing any good at the interview. The King received, or professed to receive, the arguments on both sides as plausible, begging that neither party would break off till the return of the Queen's brother, who at last came, bringing the most grievous complaints by which [Henry] would, if possible, have drawn the King over to his side against the Pope. But at last he and his colleagues took leave of the King, alleging that it would not be honorable for them to remain, for the above reasons ; but that they would leave the bishop of Winchester, the ordinary ambassador, and some others, furnished with powers, since the King was so pleased, to see if he could still mediate in the matters. The delegates came to take leave of the King at Montpellier, and returned to their master, the duke of Norfolk making post-haste, lest, in his absence, others should cause his master to take the leap (ne feissent faire le sault à son maistre), for he felt there were many about him who only sought occasion to make him break off irrevocably, while he and some other of the chief people of the land wanted to prevent a rupture. (fn. 5)

And in fact he could not make too great diligence, for at his arrival (fn. 6) matters had come close to a rupture, and the Parliament had begun, &c. But his coming, together with the messages he brought from the King, arrested matters yet awhile, and caused the conclusion of this Parliament to be put off for some time, awaiting the conclusion of what had been done at Marseilles.

I presume you know how every thing went at Marseilles, and how the King swore not to hear the Pope on any subject, public or private, until the affair of England was decided ; and how, after all conversations, when the King was on the point of taking resolution about it with the Pope, he met the English ambassadors, who had just signified to the Pope the appeal to the future Council, how he found the Pope very angry, and how he, &c. The Pope then made great complaints that the king of England had not only mocked them both by this innovation, but had grossly abused the King's protection ; for, by reason that the Pope was his guest, these doctors had insinuated themselves into his presence, without asking leave of usher, chamberlain, or other, and had done a thing which at Rome would have been capital ; viz., signified this appeal, which, in truth, the doctors confessed they had done for this reason, knowing that they would not have been permitted to do it elsewhere. "Concluoyt la dessuz le Pape sestant de son costé tout voulu mectre en son devoir ;" and the king of England insisting, on the contrary, that the King ought to regard him as an enemy, and set himself against him with the Holy See. The King, who could not deny or excuse the error these deputies had made, and saw that the chief occasion of his journey had thus been frustrated, was very much displeased ; for in fact he could not deny that the Pope had good reason for saying what he did ; and, after talking with the English ambassador, (fn. 7) and seeing the little ground they had on their side, he could not but promise to the Pope not to speak to him any more of this matter, but to treat of the other things which till then he had always [kept] close from every one. This he promised the Pope, in order the better to get at his aims, and still try to patch up matters again, as will be shown hereafter. But as to declaring against the king of England, he showed the injury it would do to public affairs, and especially to the Holy See ; for matters might take such a turn that a mediator would be of great service, and no other could be found but himself ; whereas this declaration would drive the king of England to despair, and make him throw himself into the arms of those whose alliance might be injurious, not only to the Pope and Francis, but to all Christendom. Moreover the king of England had said to some one that, if the King his brother failed him, he could, in the last resort, take back his wife to the satisfaction of the Emperor, and keep the other as his mistress, and that he was making some such proposal to the Emperor against the King, towards whom he had a secret grudge, that they would both renounce him together (quilz le renierroyent eulx deux ensemble) ; and in fact he had held this language secretly with some of his most familiar counsellors. Thereupon they began to treat of the marriage of Mons. d'Orléans, and other matters. After all which the King, finding himself assured that the Pope conceived no ill opinion of him for his remonstrances, began to recommend him not to break off with the king of England ; and in the end it was agreed between them that the Pope should allow the King to send of himself to the said king of England to complain of the outrage that his men had done, making friendly remonstrances as he thought fit in this matter, "et a la fin venir dextrement a tomber la dessuz de renouer les choses." The Pope, seeing the danger of losing that kingdom entirely, and the little chance he had of reducing it by force, gladly agreed that the King should undertake the matter, promising that if he would send immediately towards the said King, he would temporise, even if he arrived at Rome before the answer came from England, so that the great fulminations should not be issued, whatever urgency the parties made. For this the bishop of Paris was chosen ; who, as already said, had several communications with the said King, and was very agreeable to him, and he was charged to leave nothing undone which might tend to bring that King to reason. He set about it with great diligence, and met by the way the bailly of Troyes, who, returning from being ambassador there, was coming in post to inform the King that affairs there were desperate, and that the last irrevocable sentence of the Parliament against the Holy See was expected every day, as it was afterwards given. And in fact it would have been so, but that the King, perceiving the urgency of the matters, had persuaded Bryant to go with diligence, and stop everything till the arrival of the bishop of Paris, giving him hope that he would bring a satisfactory message. And in fact, both through his Ambassador and otherwise, he warned those who possessed authority from the said King, and also the partisans of the Church of Rome, to wait for the coming of the said Bishop ;—a thing which only could be obtained with very great difficulty, because, among other reasons, the said King's ambassadors, who had precipitated the appeal, and put everything in flames, were carrying everything according to their inclination, fearing that if matters came to be heard without passion, they would be rebuked. Moreover, the new Queen feared always that some arrangement would be made at her expence. (In margin : Castillon will speak about all this.) Also those who had lately come into credit, such as the Chancellor and Cromwell, were deadly enemies of the Church of Rome ; and, more than all, the alliance the King had made with the Pope laid him under suspicion with this King, and made him more subject to calumny from those who wished no good to the amity. Nevertheless, he waited, and after the aforesaid Bishop had communicated his charge to him, and mitigated his anger as well as he could, they began to discuss matters. (fn. 8) The King complained that the French king, who was joined to him in so great amity, and had been succoured by him in adversity, had made a secret treaty with his deadly enemy, and had contracted the marriage of his son to a niece of the other. What trust could he ever repose in him, seeing that the affairs of the one would be henceforth like those of the other? He also complained about the promise he had made to him not to contract any alliance whatever until his affair was settled, and that the King's servants and councillors were present and consenting when the sentence was given by the Pope, adding as many complaints as an exasperated man could make ; for, in truth, nothing troubled him more than this affinity, fearing that it would incline the King in future more to the Pope's side than his own.

(At the bottom of this page is added, that the great regret he felt was not at anything done, but at the "recrudation de l'amytie," and want of correspondence shown by Francis.)

To all this the Bishop answered with proper modesty, reminding him that the first mention of this marriage had come from Henry to prevent the Pope's niece being disposed of in another quarter, which would have thrown the Pope into the hands of the Emperor. And though at first he only made this suggestion to break off the other match, yet when he saw that the Pope meant something more than words, and required an explicit answer, Yes or No, he advised the King to take the former. Moreover, he had given the Pope, at Henry's request, that one of his sons, who was most fit to be a mediator between the said King and Pope, being nephew by alliance of the one, and godson of the other. It was irrelevant to say that before the marriage was made, he had sent to pray him not to do it, and that it was enough that he should have the daughter in his hands, and make the treaty between the kinsmen, then procrastinate on pretence of the ages, and afterwards do as he pleased. For if the friendship of the king of England might have commanded him to bind his word to the Pope in a matter so little to his own advantage, or that of his son, it could not command him to break the promise made at his instance. The King would do everything for Henry, except hazard his honor and conscience. The same reason fully answered what Henry had said, that the King, having the Pope in his hands, ought not to let him go until he had got him to do in a matter so reasonable that which his friend demanded (viz., the declaration of the divorce), and that having such an occasion to gratify him in a matter so important, he ought not to have failed him ; for whether the matter was reasonable or not, he was no judge to condemn or absolve the Pope ; and even if he were so, he would not use power or jurisdiction towards him, who, in the confidence of friendship, had placed himself in his hands, or violate hospitality towards a Pope who is regarded as the common father of Christendom, and has done him no injury. He would not act so to an infidel, or an enemy, even receiving a good reward for it ; he would not commit such an act of disloyalty for all the wealth in the world. The Bishop, however, made allowance for the extreme passion of the King, considering the injuries he said he had received from the Pope, as in truth he had received some, but thought it was his passion that spoke, and not his natural judgment. "I know not," said the King, "what another time I should think of you, for whoever fails in his promise towards one may do so towards another." "Laissast donc le Roy d'Angleterre de refreschir ces propoz ; et ne usast de reproches envers le Roy, qui a luy mesmes ne seroyent gueres honnestes, et lesquelles il desplairoyt an Roy estre divulguees pour avoir l'honneur de son frere en reh . . . . comme le sien mesmes. Et aussi que là ou il y continueroyt, il feroyt que le Roy estimeroyt desormais son amytie moins qu'il navoyt faict par le passe, car le premier poinct et regle d'amytie, mesmement entre grans princes, c'est d'avoir foy, honneur et parolle là ou cela deffault ne se peult nommer ce poinct non d'amytie qui ne merite estre comptee sinon entres les bons."

These things the said Bishop replied on the part of the King ; not as in answer to language recently held to him by the said king of England, but because that King had made such remarks to the King's ambassador, and also to the King himself by his Ambassadors. For this reason the said Bishop said, "I am commissioned to reply to you upon these subjects."

As to the promise he (Henry?) said had been made, never to enter any treaty or affair of consequence till the affair of the said King was settled, it was a thing he had voluntarily promised, without obligation, and also without request ; and he had faithfully executed it, and called all the world to witness that he never wished to speak of any matters, general or particular, even though there was much to settle besides the point in question, until [the English] agents, showing an express commission from him, put an end to the whole business, without informing either him or his men.

As to the reproach of Henry, that he had broken his promise never to make this marriage without his express consent, Francis might pardon a good deal as due to the passion and anger of his good brother ; but there was no man in the world who should impute to him that he had gone a hair's breadth beyond his honor. Du Bellay therefore begged of his friendship that if he had used such language he would withdraw it, for he knew how Francis usually replied to such attacks.

From a copy lent to the Editor by Mr. Friedmann, pp. 21. The original is in Du Bellay's hand.

12 December: 1516: See Grants in December, No. 10. Mons. Dinteville, ambassador of the French king. Licence to import 30 tuns of Gascon wine, in a ship called the Edmund, of Lynn, John Duke master. Palace of Westminster, 16 Feb. 24 Hen. VIII. Del. Westm., 12 Dec. 25 Hen. VIII.—S.B.