William R. Lethaby, Westminster Abbey and the King's Craftsmen (London, 1906) 309-314.
Romans 3.23: For all have sinned, and do need the glory of God.
1 Corinthians 15.56: Now the sting of death is sin: and the power of sin is the law.
Romans 4.15: For the law worketh wrath. For where there is no law, neither is there transgression.
Romans 3.20: Because by the works of the law no flesh shall be justified before him. For by the law is the knowledge of sin.
Matthew 11.13: For all the prophets and the law prophesied until John.
Romans 1.17: For the justice of God is revealed therein, from faith unto faith, as it is written: The just man liveth by faith.
Romans 3.21: But now without the law the justice of God is made manifest, being witnessed by the law and the prophets. Even the justice of God, by faith of Jesus Christ, unto all and upon all of them that believe in him: for there is no distinction.
John 1.29: The next day, John saw Jesus coming to him, and he saith: Behold the Lamb of God, behold him who taketh away the sin of the world.
1Peter 1.2: According to the foreknowledge of God the Father, unto the sanctification of the Spirit, unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ: Grace unto you and peace be multiplied.
1 Corinthians 15.55: For this corruptible must put on incorruption; and this moral must put on immortality.
For an examination of the theme of the "Law and the Gospel" in the visual arts, see Carl C. Christensen, Art and the Reformation in Germany (Athens, Ohio, 1979): 124-130; R.W. Scribner, For the Sake of Simple Folk: Popular Propaganda for the German Reformation (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1981) 216.219.
Hervey 151 ff. discusses de Selve's efforts for religious reconciliation.
de Selve, folio 19b: "Si un prescheur parle au iord'huy de vivre en obedience, ou de faire les oeuvres comme necessaires pour la vie eternelle, une partie du monde crie apres et dict que c'est un Papiste, et un iusiticiaire. S'il presche le slaut par Iesus Christ, et la redemption des pecheez, une autre partie du monde crie que c'est un lutherien, et un seminateur de mauvaise doctrine."
de Selve folio 85b: "Aussi n'estoit il besoing que Pol se print a damner et repudier les oeuvres spirituellement faictes, c'est a dire de coeur. Car telles oeuvres se faisoient pour donner gloire et rendre graces a Dieu...."
de Selve folio55: "...ceulx qui veulent estre instruments de le conduire soubs la main de Dieu, prennent ceste voye, non pas de vouloir d'arrivée par disputes et par arguments vaincre la partie adverse, mais de se vaincre eulx mesmes: que chacune partie se vayse regarder dedans le mirouer de Iesus Christ, ou elle verra mesme les taches qu'ell ha au visage."
de Selve folio 65b: "...l'effect de ce sainct Sacrement consiste principalement en deux poincts: dont l'un est, de nous unir avec Iesus Christ, nostre chef: l'autre, de nous unir entre nous: afin que, vivants touts d'une mesme viande, qui est le vray corps de nostre bon Sauveur contenu en cen Sacrement, nous soyons touts convertis en la mesme viande, et faicts touts ensemble un mesme corps mystique de Iesus Christ...."
For a study of this type of text, see Frank J. Swetz, Capitalism and Arithmetic: The New Math of the 15th Century (LaSalle, Illinois: Open Court, 1987). For a study of French commercial arithmetics, see Natalie Zemon Davis, "Sixteenth Century French Arithmetics on the Business Life," Journal of the History of Ideas 21 (1960): 18-48.
Foister, et. al. p. 40.
Baltrusaitis 93-94.
For this illustration, see Albrecht Dürer, The Painter's Manual , trans. Walter L. Strauss,392.
Hervey 228-232. For a discussion of Alciati's emblem, see John Hollander, The Untuning of the Sky, 47-48.
D.A. Alciati, Emblemata (Lyon, 1551) sig. A8v, as qtd. and trans. in Hollander 48.
Nicholas of Cusa, Opera, III f. 75v, as qtd. and trans. in R. Klibansky, E. Panofsky, and F. Saxl, Saturn and Melancholy , 119-120.
Hervey 225-227. For the Westminster Abbey Pavement, see William R. Lethaby, Westminster Abbey and the King;s Craftsmen (London, 1906) 309-314; John Flete, The History of Westminster Abbey, ed. J. Armitage Robinson (Notes and Documents Relating to Westminster Abbey, no. 2; Cambridge. 1909) 113-115; William R. Lethaby, Westminster Abbey Re-examined (London, 1925) 217-225; Jocelyn Perkins, Westminster Abbey Its Worship and Ornaments (Alcuin Club Collections, no. 33; Oxford and London, 1938) I: 118-29; E. Hutton, The Cosmati, the Roman Marble-Workers of the XIIth and XIIIth Centuries (London, 1950) pl. 63; Steven H. Wander, "The Westminster Abbey Sanctuary Pavement," Traditio, 34 (1978): 137-56; Richard Foster, Patterns of Thought: The Hidden Meaning of the Great Pavement of Westminster Abbey (London, 1991).
John Flete in his History of Westminster Abbey (MS London, Westminster Abbey 29, fol. 41v) provides a generally accurate version. Richard Sporley's account of the abbots of Westminster (MS London, British Library, Cotton Claudius A.viii, fol. 59r) also presents a transcription of the text. Both Flete's and Sporley's versions are included in John Flete 113-115. Wander (141) presents a recent reconstruction and translation of the verses.
"Christi milleno dis centeno duodeno/ cum sexageno, subductis quatuor, anno,/ tertius Henricus rex, urbs, Odoricus et abbas hos compegere porphyreos lapides" (Wander 141).
"Si lector posita prudenter cuncta revolvat,/ hic finem primi mobilis inveniet./ sepes trim; canes et equos hominesque subaddas,/ cervos et corvos, aquilas, immania cete,/ mundum: quodque sequens preeuntis triplicat annos" (Wander 141).
Wander 147-51.
Wander 148
For Pythagorean number theory, see W.K.C. Guthrie, A History of Greek Philosophy, I (Cambridge, 1962) 212-306; Walter Burkert, Lore and Science in Ancient Pythagoreanism, trans. from the German edition of 1962 by E. L. Minar, Jr. (Cambridge, Mass, 1972) 427-482.
Elizabeth Sears, The Ages of Man: Medieval Interpretations of the Life Cycle (Princeton, 1986) 16-20. An early example is presented in a ninth century astronomical manuscript (Vienna, Nationalbibliothek, Cod. 387, fol. 134r; illustrated in Herbert L. Kessler, The Illustrated Bibles from Tours (Princeton, 1977) fig. 75. Noting possible Late Antique sources, Kessler (51-53) relates this scheme to the format of the Majestas Domini images in Tour Bible manuscripts. Caviness ("Images of Divine Order and the Third Mode of Seeing," Gesta, 22 (1983): 104) notes that probably from the seventh century on, such diagrams were in existence as illustrations to Isidore of Seville's Etymologiae; J. Bober ("An Illustrated Medieval School-Book of Bede's De natura rerum," Journal of the Walters Art Gallery, 19-20 (1956-57): 73-74) has suggested that they were known to Bede when he composed his equally popular De natura rerum. An expanded version of this diagram appears in an early twelfth century manuscript in St. John's College Library, Oxford (MS 17, fol. 7v). This exemplar is apparently based on a text written by Byrthferth of Ramsey at the beginning of the eleventh century (Sears 23-25, 33-34; Caviness 107-108). The diagram from the Oxford manuscript correlates the four elements with the four seasons, the four cardinal compass points, the months, and the signs of the zodiac. The four ages of man and the four temperaments are also included. This diagram, therefore presents the harmony of the macrocosm and the microcosm. In both its form and its meaning as signifying the archetypal idea in the mind of the creating deity, Byrthferth's illustration corresponds to th Westminster Abbey pavement.
For the Renaissance tradition of tetradic diagram, see S. K. Heninger, Jr., "Some Renaissance Versions of the Pythagorean Tetrad," Studies in the Renaissance, 8 (1961): 7-33; idem, Touches of Sweet Harmony: Pythagorean Cosmology and Renaissance Poetics (San Marino, 1974) 146-200; idem, The Cosmographical Glass: Renaissance Diagrams of the Universe (San Marino, 1977) 81-143 (esp. 103-108).
For the painting's emphasis on the new learning, see Kenneth Charlton, "Holbein's 'Ambassadors' and Sixteenth-Century Education," Journal of the History of Ideas 21 (1960): 99-109.
Derek J. Price, "Precision Instruments: To 1500," in A History of Technology, vol 3, eds. Charles Singer, E.J. Holmyard, A.R. Hall, and Trevor I. Williams (Oxford, 1957) 582-619 (esp. 585-586).
Nicholas of Cusa, The Layman on Wisdom and the Mind, trans. by M.L. Führer (Ottawa, 1989) 22.
As quoted in Jardine, pp. 357-58.
Otto Pächt, "Holbein and Kratzer as Collaborators," Burlington Magazine, 84 (1944), 134-139.
As quoted in North 225-26 and Jardine, pp. 358-359.
In hoc libro contenta. Epitome compendiosaque introductio in libros Arithmeticos divi Severini Boettij: adiecto familiari commentario [Iudoci Clechtovei] dilucidata. [Iudoci Clichtovei] Introductio in Geometriam breuiusculis annotationibus explanata: sex libris distincta....[Bovilli} Liber de quadratura circuli. [Bovilli] Liber de cubicatione sphere. [Bovilli} Perspectiua introductio. Insuper Astronomicon (Paris: Wolfgang Hopyl and Henri Estienee, 1503); discussed in Victor 38.
See Victor 66.
De docta ignorantia II.13 (Hopkins 122); Watts 72-73.
Idiota de sapientia, in Opera omnia, vol 5, 6, as qtd. and trans. in Trinkaus, "Humanism and Greek Sophism" 176.
Trialogus de possest, as ed. and trans. in Hopkins, 113. See Watts, 37 & 52. For a discussion of the Pythagorean and Platonic tradition and its influence on Renaissance thought, see Heninger, Touches of Sweet Harmony 71-145.
De docta ignorantia I.5 (Hopkins 54)
Dialogus de animae immortalitate f. 8, as qtd. and trans. in Victor 131.
De beryllo, 6-7, as qtd. and trans. in Watts 180 and Trinkaus, 177. For a discussion of the image/likeness relationship of the divine mind and human mind in the thought of Nicholas of Cusa, see Watts 91-96,138-139.
Diviseverini Boeti arithmetica, duabus discreta lbris: adiecto commentario, mysticam numerorum applicationem perstringente, declarata (Paris, Simon de Colines, 1521), f. 11r, as qtd. and trans in Heller 16.
Salmon, pp. 80-81.
Much of the material on the Selve family is derived from Robert J. Kalas, The Selve Family of Limousin: Members of a New Elite in Early Modern France," The Sixteenth Century Journal, 18 (1987), 147-172.
Rice, 470-477.
Nicholas of Cusa, Trialogus de possest 150-153; Watts 44-50.
Hoffman (141-143) relates the experience of contemplating the anamorphic skull to the famous Pauline passage: "We see now through a glass in a dark manner; but then face to face. Now I know in part; but then I shall know even as I am known (1Cor.,13:12)."
Baltimore, Walters Art Gallery, MS W.222 ("Tourotte Hours"), fol. 2; see Roger S. Wieck, Time Sanctified: The Book of Hours in Medieval Art and Life (New York, 1988) 35, 190-191.
Watts 161-162.
Nicholas of Cusa, Trialogus de possest 150-153; Watts 44-50.
De docta ignorantia II.11 (Hopkins 115); Poulet XI-XXVII, 1-14.
For this illustration, see Heninger, The Cosmographical Glass, p. 166.
De conjecturis II.xiii, as qtd. and trans. in Poulet, 8.
Opera omnia, vol. 5, 89, as qtd. and trans. in Watts 143.
de Selve folio 45.
de Selve folio 46: "Estant donc ce corps de paix temporelle (par la vertu de Dieu, et par le ministere des hommes) organisé, et prest a recevoir l'ame de paix spirituelle, il fault que ces desux Princes, par le moyen que dessus est dict, facent descendre l'ame du ciel en ce corps: et par ainsi nous aurons une paix temporelle, pleine de vie, de sens, de mouvement, et d'entendement, et (pour tout dire en un mot) pleine de l'esprit de Dieu."
De docta ignorantia II.13 (Hopkins 122); Watts 72-73.
De docta ignorantia II. 1 (Hopkins 87-88); Watts 62-65.
For a more complete account of the religious controversy in Paris during 1533, see Knecht 243-245.
For a discussion of the position of Bailly, see Salmon 72-73.
Edited and trans. in Hervey 79-81.
Derived fromWeb version of Alciati's Book of Emblems
Emblema X
Foedera
Ad Maximilianum, Mediolani Ducem
Hanc citharam a lembi quae forma halieutica fertur, Vendicat et propriam Musa Latina sibi, Accipe Dux: Placeat nostrum hoc tibi tempore munus, Quo nova cum sociis foedera inire paras. Difficile est, nisi docto homini, tot tendere chordas; Unaque si fuerit non bene tenta fides, Ruptave (quod facile est) perit omnis gratia conchae, Illeque praecellens cantus, ineptus erit. Sic Itali coeunt proceres in foedera: concors Nil est quod timeas, si tibi constet amor. At si aliquis desciscat (uti plerumque videmus) In nihilum illa omnis solvitur harmonia.
As quoted and translated in Hughes 74.
As quoted and translated in Hughes 85.
de Selve f. 78: "...la foy...en tout temps et toute nation ha este la voye de iustification."
Lefèvre,Comm. in epist. cath., f. 9r, as quoted and trans. Heller, 58-59.
de Selve, f. 23: "...sans la foy nous ne pouvions faire oeuvre qui luy fust agreable."
de Selve f. 85b: "Aussi n'estoit il besoing que sainct Pol se print a damner et repudier les oeuvres spirituellement faictes, c'est a dire de coeur. Car tells oeuvres se faisoinet pour donner gloire et rendre graces a Dieu...."
This oration appears in de Selve's collected works under the title "Autres Remonstrances faictes par ledict De Selve auxdicts Alemans." Mary Hervey (151-152) associates this text with the Diet of Speyer.
de Selve, Discours du vray et seul moyen de faire une Bonne et perpetuelle Paix, entre l'Empereure et le Roy treschrestien, f. 45.
de Selve folio 46: "Estant donc ce corps de paix temporelle (par la vertu de Dieu, et par le ministere des hommes) organisé. et prest a recevoir l'ame de paix spirituelle, il fault que ces deux Princes, par le moyen que dessus est dict, facent descendre l'ame du ciel en ce corps: et par ainsi nous aurons une paix temporelle, pleine de vie, de sens, de mouvement, et d'entendement, et (pour tout dire en un mot) pleine de l'espirt de Dieu,"
de Selve folio 29: "...pour gaigner la bonne grace de son maistre, le plus court et le plus aysé chemin est de servir ses appetits, et mesmement aux pires, d'autant que par la s'acquiert plus de privauté. De faict la multitude tient ce chemin, qui est la vraye voye de perdition. En laquelle n'y ha un seul iour de bon repos, et de vray seureté pour ceux qui la tiennent."
For a translation of the entire hymn.
For the relationship between the thought of Nicholas of Cusa and the circle of Lefèvre d'Etaples, see Heller "Nicholas of Cusa and Early French Evangelicism."
De docta ignorantia, III.11 (Hopkins 150).
De docta ignorantia, III. 6 (Hopkins 139).
Heller 52.
Comm. in epist. cath., f. 4r: "Haec sapientia, haec divinae voluntatis intelligentia, hic scripturam spiritus, non a nobis est, non ab hominibus, sed perinde ac fides & spes divinum munus est.(as quoted in Heller 53).
Ep. et Ev., f. xi v."Jesuschrist et sa parolle est nostre vie, nostre salut, nostre redemption, nostre gloire, nostre foy, nostre esperance, c'est nostre tout: voire plus que tout. Car c'est ung tout qui est infini et incomprehensible."(Heller 57).
De docta ignorantia II.1 (Hopkins 89).
Nikolaus Von Kues, De visione Dei. Philosophisch-Theologische Schriften, vol 3, ed. Leo Gabriel (Vienna: Herder, 1967) 100 and 114, as qtd. and trans. in Watts 162 and 166.
For a study of the Temperaments, see R. Klibansky, et al. 369 and Jean Seznec, The Survival of the Pagan Gods (Princeton, 1953) 45-47. Marsilio Ficino relates "ratio" to Jupiter, the planet associated with the sanguine temperament, and the "mens contemplatrix" to Saturn, the planet identified with melancholy (De vita triplici, III, 22, trans. in , et al. 272). On the basis of this, it is tempting to associate the sanguine Dinteville with "ratio" and the melancholic de Selve with the "mens contemplatrix." This contyrast corresponds with the known interests of the two sitters, and does relate to the painting's contrasts between discursive reason and intellectual vision.
De docta ignorantia III, 3 (Hopkins 131).
From Bovelles, Physicorum elementorum...libri decem (Paris, 1512), illustrated in Heninger, p. 85.
De docta ignorantia, III. 6 (Hopkins 138). See Watts 99-101.
De sapientia xxxiv, 374 as qtd. and trans. in Rice 113.
De beryllo, in Nicolaus Cusanus, Opera Omnia, vol. 11, ed. L. Baur (Leipzig, 1937) 6-7, as qtd. and trans. in Trinkaus 177 &188-89.
de Selve folios 57-57b; "Dieu le Createur nous voulant unir a soy, qui estions corporels et sensibles, il nous ha voulu donner un moyen proportionné a nous, qui est nostre Sauveur Iesus Christ, invisible, impassible, immortel et egal a Dieu son pere, quant a la divinité: visible, passible, corporel, mortel, quant a l'humanité."
De docta ignorantia III.11 (Hopkins 150).
As translated by Philips 81-82.
As translated by Philips 82.
Erasmus 43.
De coniecturis pp. 7-8, as qtd. and trans. in Watts 91.
"Platonic Theology" Book 3, ch. 2), translated by Josephine L. Borroughs, Journal of the History of Ideas 5 (1944): 227-39, as qtd in Gadol 232.
Foister 35-36.
Foister, 33.
Quincuplex Psalterium (Paris, 1509), as trans. by Oberman 298-299.
Psalterium David. Argumentis fronti cuisulibet psalmi adiectis. Hebraica & Chaldaica multis in locis tralatione illustratum (Paris: Simon de Colines, 1524), as qtd. in Rice 476. See also Bedouelle 212-230. This quotation appears in the text Lefèvre dedicated to Jean de Selve, the father of George.
Commentary on 2 Corinthians 3, qtd. in Bedouelle 182.
Foister et al. 55-57.
Rice, St. Jerome, 111-112.
For Duprat, see Knecht 14. For Jean de Selve, see Kalas.
Knecht 47.